文章来源:联商网|2008年输尽光2008年输尽光发布时间:2019-12-13 19:28:16  【字号:      】


  BUDAPEST — Fidesz, the party of Prime Minister Viktor Orban of Hungary, was suspended from the European Union’s most powerful political coalition on Wednesday, endangering an alliance that has shielded him from serious repercussions as he has dismantled or co-opted nearly every check on his power.

  Over nine years, as Mr. Orban has created in Hungary what amounts to a soft dictatorship within the European Union, lawmakers in Brussels have largely stood by and watched.

  There have been speeches condemning his assault on fundamental human rights and threats of sanctions for undermining the core democratic values of the union, but Mr. Orban has continued to act with the swagger of a made man, confident that he was protected no matter how bold his provocation.

  One reason for that was that Fidesz plays a key role in the European Parliament’s largest political grouping, the generally center-right European People’s Party.

  There had been calls from many within the alliance to expel Mr. Orban and his party, arguing that he was making a mockery of the very political family to which he belongs. However, by not expelling Fidesz, the E.P.P. can count members of that party elected in European elections in May as part of its parliamentary grouping, and thus reduce the impact of an expected wave of populist, far-right candidates.

  Hungarian television featured a constant stream of programming questioning the legitimacy of the debate going on in Brussels, saying it was really about migration policy. Mr. Orban sought to cast the censure as a victory.

  Even though lawmakers voted nearly unanimously to suspend Fidesz, Mr. Orban said that his party had decided to suspend itself.

  “We would like the E.P.P. to remain the strongest party in Europe,” he said after the three-hour debate.

  Under the terms of the suspension, Fidesz will not be allowed to nominate candidates for jobs in the grouping or attend party meetings.

  It will also have to submit to a review by a three-person monitoring committee — Mr. Orban adopted a droll tone in referring to it as it is commonly known, “the council of the wise” — that will determine if the Hungarian government is meeting several conditions.

  Those conditions include ceasing its attacks on academic freedom. The committee will be led by a former European Council president, Herman Van Rompuy.

  The confrontation in Brussels was the culmination of more than a year of escalating tensions between Mr. Orban and the coalition, which also faces high stakes. Losing Fidesz’s legislators — currently, there are 12 — could cost the group its primacy in the European Parliament after May’s elections. And other parties could follow Mr. Orban out the door.

  “Since Fidesz got re-elected, the Hungarian government has been acting as if it was literally crying for expulsion,” said Edit Zgut, a political scientist at the University of Warsaw’s Center for Europe.

  In recent months, she said, the Hungarian government had stepped up attacks on academic freedom, criminalized humanitarian aid for refugees and migrants, and continued to undermine the independence of the judiciary.

  Wednesday’s coalition vote, she said, was a strategy to delay any hard choices and fit into a broader pattern of accommodation.

  At the height of Mr. Orban’s anti-democratic measures, between 2010 and 2015, he rarely faced significant censure within the European People’s Party, since his peers did not judge him a threat to European integration, and believed that they still had a moderating effect on the worst of his domestic policies.

  In more recent years, however, opinion has slowly shifted. Mr. Orban has relished attacking the European Union, even while enjoying the benefits that come with membership, including billions in funding that play a key role in the health of Hungary’s economy. He made clear that he no longer felt constrained by his European coalition colleagues — and even began to criticize them.

  In September, the European Parliament passed a resolution that raised concerns about the fairness of the courts, the independence of the news media and the freedom of academic institutions in Hungary. Dozens of European People’s Party lawmakers joined in the vote, but the grouping refused to expel him. At its annual conference in Helsinki in September, the grouping’s president, Joseph Daul, referred to Mr. Orban as the enfant terrible of the family, but a family member even so.

  In response to the September vote, Mr. Orban launched a domestic media blitz, accusing critics of his government of being part of a nefarious cabal bent on destroying Hungarian culture and sending hordes of migrants to the country.

  He also kept up his assault on the widely esteemed Central European University, which was founded by the American billionaire George Soros after the fall of the Soviet Union.

  Mr. Soros, who was born in Hungary, has long been used by Mr. Orban as an all-purpose villain, a symbol of sinister foreign forces that threaten the nation. His government’s relentless campaign against Mr. Soros has been widely condemned for both outright lies and for anti-Semitism.

  In December, the university announced that after two years of battling to stay in Hungary, it was being forced to move some of its operations to Vienna.

  Once again, Mr. Orban’s actions were met with widespread condemnation. But Mr. Orban seemed emboldened.

  In February, his government launched yet another assault on Brussels, using taxpayer funds to plaster tens of thousands of posters around the country warning that European lawmakers wanted to inundate the country with migrants.

  This time, however, instead of merely condemning faceless officials, the Orban government put the face of Jean-Claude Juncker, the president of the European Union’s executive arm and a fellow member of the European People’s Party, alongside that of Mr. Soros.

  “You have the right to know what Brussels is planning to do,” the posters warned darkly.

  Mr. Orban has a bad history with Mr. Juncker, including an episode in 2014 when Mr. Juncker greeted Mr. Orban with an awkward joke, saying, “Hello, dictator,” and playfully tapping his face.

  But the Orban government’s direct attack on Mr. Juncker seemed a bridge too far. The propaganda campaign was denounced as a shocking promotion of a ludicrous conspiracy theory.

  Mr. Orban dismissed his critics inside the E.P.P., calling them “useful idiots.”

  It is a phrase freighted with historical resonance, sometimes attributed to Lenin, as his assessment of the naïve Western admirers of his brand of socialism.

  Manfred Weber, who leads the European People’s Party in the European Parliament and is running to succeed Mr. Juncker as the leader of the European Commission, rushed to Budapest, demanding an apology.

  Mr. Orban conceded only that he was sorry if anyone was offended. Even after the suspension, Mr. Orban denied that he had waged a campaign against Mr. Juncker, saying his government was simply informing the Hungarian people.

  Mr. Weber also demanded that the Central European University be allowed to once again operate in Budapest. Mr. Orban has been noncommittal, but his government signaled that he was ready to make some concessions.

  Given the stakes, the powerful German Christian Democrats tried to straddle the fence with support for suspension. “As long as Fidesz does not fully restore trust, there cannot be normal full membership,” Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer, the leader of the party and a confidante of Chancellor Angela Merkel of Germany, told Reuters earlier on Wednesday.

  Jörg Meuthen, a spokesman for the far-right Alternative for Germany party, said that Mr. Orban and Fidesz had their real home with the far right in the European Parliament.

  “With its clear and future-oriented positions, especially in central questions like migration and border control, Orban and Fidesz would fit much better into the family of parties in Europe that truly stands for conservatism and freedom,” Mr. Meuthen said.



  2008年输尽光【战】【斗】【还】【在】【继】【续】。 【丧】【尸】【实】【在】【太】【多】【了】,【他】【们】【三】【个】【人】【的】【火】【力】【有】【点】【扛】【不】【住】。 【文】【山】【跟】【罗】【伯】【特】【也】【爬】【上】【了】【上】【一】【层】,【有】【丧】【尸】【跟】【着】【上】【来】,【直】【接】【一】【脚】【踹】【下】【去】。 【但】【是】【能】【挡】【住】【一】【面】,【挡】【不】【住】【其】【他】【面】【啊】。 【更】【多】【的】【丧】【尸】,【从】【其】【他】【地】【方】【爬】【上】【他】【们】【所】【在】【的】【那】【一】【层】。 【丧】【尸】【的】【速】【度】【很】【快】,【它】【们】【就】【像】【魔】【鬼】【一】【样】,【迫】【切】【的】【想】【要】【吞】【下】【你】【的】【灵】【魂】。

  【父】【亲】【利】【用】【她】【巩】【固】【手】【中】【的】【权】【利】,【甚】【至】【对】【母】【亲】【的】【死】【不】【甚】【在】【意】,【而】【今】【却】【来】【说】【爱】【她】,【呵】,【爱】【她】? 【不】【知】【道】【该】【说】【因】【祸】【得】【福】【还】【是】【其】【他】,【洛】【言】【在】【那】【个】【梦】【中】【幻】【境】【里】【看】【见】【了】【那】【个】【背】【影】【以】【后】,【总】【觉】【得】【自】【己】【的】【身】【世】【好】【像】【也】【有】【问】【题】。 【但】【问】【题】【到】【底】【出】【在】【哪】【儿】,【洛】【言】【说】【不】【上】【来】,【也】【说】【不】【清】【楚】。 “【洛】【言】?!” 【听】【见】【有】【人】【着】【急】【的】【呼】【唤】【着】【她】【的】【名】

  “【掌】【门】【了】【师】【兄】,【如】【今】【林】【岳】【衡】【那】【个】【老】【东】【西】【已】【经】【死】,【现】【在】【九】【原】【郡】【中】【没】【有】【一】【个】【人】【是】【你】【的】【对】【手】。”【风】【旗】【奸】【笑】【着】【说】【道】。 “【九】【原】【郡】【中】【虽】【然】【没】【人】【是】【我】【的】【对】【手】,【但】【九】【原】【三】【派】【这】【几】【年】【凭】【借】【小】【型】【灵】【石】【矿】【脉】,【在】【整】【体】【实】【力】【上】【已】【经】【超】【过】【了】【我】【们】。 【数】【年】【前】,【我】【们】【在】【占】【据】【优】【势】【的】【情】【况】【下】【仍】【然】【功】【败】【垂】【成】,【反】【而】【让】【秦】【师】【弟】【被】【九】【原】【郡】【三】【派】【掌】【门】【所】【杀】。

  【隔】【天】【苏】【纹】【儿】【起】【床】【很】【晚】,【当】【时】【差】【不】【多】【十】【点】【多】【了】。 【她】【睡】【眼】【惺】【忪】【穿】【着】【睡】【衣】【下】【楼】【的】【时】【候】,【隐】【约】【间】【听】【到】【楼】【下】【传】【来】【一】【阵】【欢】【声】【笑】【语】。 【别】【墅】【里】【除】【了】【偶】【尔】【小】【萌】【会】【来】【找】【她】【之】【外】,【并】【没】【有】【其】【他】【的】【客】【人】。 【楼】【下】【的】【说】【话】【声】,【明】【显】【是】【有】【陌】【生】【人】【的】【样】【子】。 【心】【里】【充】【满】【了】【疑】【惑】,【穿】【着】【拖】【鞋】,【慢】【慢】【的】【走】【下】【楼】。 【抬】【眼】【就】【看】【到】【客】【厅】【的】【沙】【发】【上】【坐】【着】

  【她】【那】【么】【骄】【傲】【一】【个】【大】【小】【姐】,【来】【假】【扮】【花】【匠】,【也】【是】【辛】【苦】【她】【了】,【毕】【竟】【她】【怕】【是】【连】【打】【理】【花】【都】【没】【打】【理】【过】【吧】?【也】【不】【知】【道】,【那】【花】【儿】【被】【她】【打】【理】【后】,【还】【活】【着】【没】【有】,【看】【来】……【得】【去】【看】【看】【花】【了】…… 【林】【如】【歌】【一】【边】【思】【考】【着】,【一】【边】【就】【有】【点】【儿】【想】【扶】【额】【的】【冲】【动】【了】。 【秦】【时】【抿】【了】【抿】【嘴】,【看】【着】【明】【显】【神】【游】【天】【外】【的】【林】【如】【歌】,【一】【丝】【不】【悦】【略】【过】【眸】【子】。 【什】【么】【嘛】…… 2008年输尽光【王】【栎】【鑫】,【素】【有】【小】【陈】【冠】【希】【的】【称】【号】,【虽】【然】【没】【有】【陈】【冠】【希】【在】【娱】【乐】【圈】【里】【这】【么】【有】【影】【响】【力】,【但】【是】【家】【庭】【却】【很】【幸】【福】。【王】【栎】【鑫】【才】【只】【有】26【岁】【的】【时】【候】,【就】【和】【妻】【子】【吴】【雅】【婷】【领】【了】【结】【婚】【证】,【步】【入】【婚】【姻】【的】【殿】【堂】。

  【天】【帝】【找】【离】【珠】【多】【日】,【却】【找】【不】【到】【那】【魔】【藏】【身】【之】【处】,【心】【急】【也】【无】【奈】,【三】【界】【被】【群】【魔】【占】【据】,【现】【在】【魔】【头】【一】【走】,【各】【界】【隐】【藏】【的】【兵】【马】【便】【纷】【纷】【将】【魔】【兵】【击】【退】,【收】【复】【了】【天】【界】。【天】【帝】【收】【复】【天】【界】【后】,【重】【回】【天】【庭】,【重】【整】【天】【兵】,【此】【时】,【那】【魔】【也】【重】【整】【了】【魔】【界】,【三】【界】【被】【击】【退】【的】【群】【魔】【死】【伤】【不】【少】,【余】【下】【未】【死】【的】【又】【纷】【纷】【退】【回】【魔】【界】。 【天】【帝】【感】【应】【到】【体】【内】【灵】【力】【被】【灵】【石】【借】【用】【了】,【便】

  【第】585【章】【老】【天】【爷】(【三】) 【这】【突】【如】【其】【来】【的】【西】【伯】【利】【亚】【冷】【空】【气】,【让】【进】【攻】【历】【城】【的】【燕】【军】【士】【兵】【傻】【了】【眼】。【却】【让】【历】【城】【的】【守】【卒】【们】【士】【气】【大】【振】! 【赢】【箬】【虽】【然】【给】【燕】【军】【士】【兵】【们】【装】【备】【了】【莫】【辛】【纳】【甘】【步】【枪】,【但】【是】【他】【们】【的】【思】【想】【依】【然】【是】【古】【代】【的】,【充】【满】【了】【鬼】【神】【的】【思】【维】。 【此】【时】【降】【落】【到】【地】【面】【的】【燕】【军】【士】【卒】【不】【足】【千】【人】,【更】【多】【的】【人】【还】【在】【热】【气】【球】【上】【没】【有】【下】【来】。【结】【果】【就】【被】

  【当】【世】【韶】【华】,【东】【海】【之】【上】。 【云】【霄】【盘】【踞】,【龙】【魔】【的】【骤】【然】【消】【失】,【虽】【然】【让】【太】【华】【山】【压】【力】【大】【减】,【但】【是】【万】【龙】【化】【魔】,【其】【中】【的】【凶】【险】【比】【起】【之】【前】【只】【高】【不】【低】,【眼】【看】【天】【象】【大】【阵】【即】【将】【崩】【塌】,【一】【切】【万】【象】【都】【岌】【岌】【可】【危】。 【六】【天】【洞】【渊】【大】【帝】【再】【也】【按】【耐】【不】【住】,【他】【看】【到】【自】【己】【曾】【经】【提】【携】【过】【的】【后】【辈】【被】【杀】【死】,【而】【太】【华】【山】【与】【万】【龙】【的】【比】【例】【明】【显】【失】【衡】,【这】【一】【次】【大】【劫】,【甚】【至】【不】【允】【许】【自】

  【去】【往】【鬼】【魂】【街】【区】【的】【路】【跟】【来】【美】【容】【院】【的】【方】【式】【差】【不】【多】,【不】【过】【地】【方】【却】【没】【那】【么】【隐】【蔽】,【毕】【竟】【这】【里】【即】【便】【是】【平】【凡】【人】【也】【是】【可】【以】【过】【来】【的】,【只】【不】【过】【没】【有】【伴】【侣】【魂】【气】【护】【体】【的】【话】【长】【时】【间】【待】【里】【面】【会】【有】【危】【险】。 【一】【进】【入】【一】【股】【阴】【凉】【之】【气】【便】【迎】【面】【而】【来】,【充】【斥】【着】【周】【围】,【曲】【诺】【浑】【身】【一】【哆】【嗦】【顿】【觉】【神】【清】【气】【爽】,【虽】【然】【没】【有】【泡】【美】【容】【院】【的】【温】【泉】【舒】【服】,【但】【还】【是】【慢】【喜】【欢】【的】。 【大】【街】【上】